Die Diskussionen im Lager

Mitte der 40er diskutierten die GenossInnen der Internationalist Communist Union (die Stinas-Tendenz) und der Unified Organisation of Internationalist Communists die drängenden Fragen der Zeit: Krieg, Faschismus, Verteidigung der Sowjetunion, Einheitsfront usw
Stinas zieht ein bitteres Resüme, während sie anfangs überzeugt waren die wahren Trotzkisten zu sein, stellt er sowohl in den Positionen als auch im Verhalten der U-OIC fest, dass die IV. Internationale Opportunismus und Sozialpatriotismus hervorbrachte.


The debates in Akhronaflia

Towards mid-1940, when a large enough number of members of the two Trotskyist groups which then existed found themselves in Akhronaflia, we decided to organise a debate on the most essential problems of the movement at that time: fascism, war, the defence of the USSR, the struggle on two fronts, the united front, etc.

The two groups were the Internationalist Communist Union and the Unified Organisation of Internationalist Communists. I belonged to the first one, Pouliopoulos to the second.

These debates took place orally at common meetings and in written form in a bulletin which was circulated and read by all the members of the two groups. My own writings covered around five hundred pages, and those of Voursoukis, Krokkos and Makris at least as much. It was possible to preserve all the bulletins and send them out of the camp. We confided our writings to a member of the Unified OIC to whom the other members of that group had already given theirs.

Almost forty years have passed and they have always been in their hands. During this whole period they have published and distributed a number of polemics by Pouliopoulos and others directed against us without making known our real opinions and, even worse, citing falsified and truncated passages from my articles. Militants and workers have therefore not had the right to learn for themselves what a group of revolutionaries stood for, in the most nightmarish conditions, in the camp of Akhronaflia.

I have had in my hands for a little while, since 16 June 1977, the copy of two of my texts: Our divergences with the Unified OIC and The USSR and the struggle for world revolution. There is still a lot more of my studies and the whole of the articles and studies of Voursoukis, Krokkos and Makris. These three militants are dead. The first one was murdered by the Stalinists and the two others were executed by the Germans. The Trotskyists themselves also did the work of the executioners. They executed their ideas.

These debates don’t only have a historic interest. The problems that we tackled then continue to have a vital importance for the revolutionary movement. We are publishing the essential points of these two studies(17).

We then also belonged to the Fourth International and we considered ourselves as Trotskyists. The reader will notice that, if we use in one way or another the same traditional terminology and refer to the principles of the Fourth International and Trotsky to defend the correctness of our ideas, our conclusions and the tasks that we set ourselves are diametrically opposed to them. We believed ourselves to be orthodox and consistent Trotskyists and that the opportunists and more or less social-patriotic ideas of the Unified OIC were foreign to the principles and programme of the Fourth International. Subsequent events have demonstrated the contrary. The OIC only expressed and defended the ideas of the Fourth International and Trotsky. Social-patriotism, opportunism, and the most incredible confusion existed in their “principles” and their “programme”. The essential thing for us was that, during the war, in those conditions where the endurance and the firmness of individuals and organisations are subjected to trial by fire, the Fourth International crumbled to dust. Its sections, almost in their totality, whether because of the slogan of defence of the USSR, whether because of the supposed progressive character of the movements of national resistance, found themselves on the side of the Socialist and Communist Parties, in the service of the world’s executioners.

(17)

These two texts are published at the end of this volume [i.e. the French edition].